======================================================================== 87 Date: 06 Aug 1994 08:22:04 -0800 (PST) From: SPARMAN@CCVAX.FULLERTON.EDU To: antowner@ubvm.cc.buffalo.edu Message-id: <01HFKZ5R9Y8I006ESR@FULLERTON.EDU> X-VMS-To: IN%"antowner@ubvm.cc.buffalo.edu" X-VMS-Cc: SPARMAN MIME-version: 1.0 Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT DANIEL WIGHT, Workers not Wasters: Masculine Respectability, Consumption and Employment in Central Scotland. Edinburgh: A Community Study. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993. (Distributed by Columbia University Press) Price: $45.00 Susan Parman, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Fullerton Fullerton, CA 92634 SPARMAN@csu.fullerton.edu This book belongs to the Edinburgh Education and Society Series, which is a socially conscious, explicitly reform-oriented series concerned with the application of social science to social policy (other books in the series examine social security, the relationship between unemployment and health, and public housing schemes). Dramatically different from conceptions of European communities with which most American anthropologists are acquainted through Arensberg's Irish Countryman, Pitt-Rivers' The People of the Sierra, Banfield's The Moral Basis of a Backward Society, and many other community studies (with their connotations of dialectical opposition to urban settings, relative isolation and homogeneity, embodying the romanticized, rural, "traditional" folk), the book is nevertheless a study of and quest for community--but community in gritty, urban-industrial, global guise. It belongs to the passionate ethnographic genre of Rena Gazaway, Oscar Lewis, and Colin Turnbull (The Ik, not The Forest People), all of whom are concerned with how human beings salvage a sense of order out of the crises of poverty. Its passion is occasionally muted by jargon ("empirical sociology of consumption," "theoretical marginalisation of social status") and the thunder of numbers that American anthropologists are more likely to associate with sociological surveys than with an ethnographic case study. The main research theme of the book--how is unemployment affecting a people for whom "work" is a significant moral concept--reflects, perhaps, the complicated association of British social anthropology with moral philosophy (which is another story); but its inductive qualities render it an effective ethnography of an industrial lowland village, a social anthropologist's window on the world of Scottish life conveyed in "Grey Granite," the third in Lewis Grassic Gibbon's trilogy, A Scots Quair. As an ethnography of working-class culture, Workers not Wasters explores the meanings, significant distinctions, and interactions of actors in the community of "Cauldmoss," a village of 1500 people located between the Firths of Forth and Clyde, less than an hour from both Glasgow and Edinburgh. Based on long-term participant observation conducted during the early 1980s under a research project directed by the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Edinburgh, the research in Cauldmoss also involved the use of questionnaires and is linked to an eclectic theoretical base (Durkheim, Douglas, Weber, Sahlins, Bourdieu; cognitive categories and social class, semiotics and praxis). We hear many voices, including the almost painfully honest, reflexive ruminations of the ethnographer, which exist alongside statistical tables and population charts. The book not only fulfills its mission of tracing the cultural distinctions made in the community of Cauldmoss (the relationship, for example, between changing patterns of consumption and how to avoid being perceived as a snob; the contradictory pulls of upward social mobility and community belonging; hedonism, collective leisure, acceptable and unacceptable forms of expenditure; categories of respectability under conditions of unemployment), but it provides a good description of current research in British and especially Scottish ethnography (there have been several evaluations of the current status of Scottish ethnography, and Wight places his work in their context). The ethnographic scent smells true--bringing back clear memories of my year as an undergraduate at the University of Edinburghy when my best friend was the daughter of a coalminer from a small village, now suburb, to the south of Edinburgh. As the father worked less and less as the mines closed down, and spent more time gambling, or in the pubs, the talk, the explanations, the inventions of the self were very similar to scenes that Wight invokes in Workers not Wasters. The book's strength is also its weakness. Firmly based in the context of British ethnography, the work remains largely parochial, lacking the cross- cultural comparison by which the effects of economic deprivation in different cultural contexts could be more fully evaluated. I felt, at the end of the thickly packed 238 pages of text, slightly claustrophobic, longing for a larger view--of "community" in a more generic sense, of a conception of labor and life-purpose that transcended the connotations of "employment ethic"; of contrasting conceptions of work resulting from the effect of different cultures, different histories, different stratification systems. But such would have been icing on the nourishing, thick fruitcake of Scottish weddings; this cake is well formed, well baked, and, to borrow an overused Levi-Straussian metaphor, good to eat.